Konstanty Władysław Sobieski was born on 1 May 1680 in Warsaw. He was nicknamed ‘Amor’, but Jan III usually called him ‘Murmurek’. Feasts to the newborn son of the King were organised both in the capital and in Gdańsk. The boy was the youngest among siblings who survived into adulthood. Letters from the King include several mentions of the little son. Readers are treated to descriptions of how imaginative he was and learn about his first words (‘tutu papu’), which tugged at his father’s heartstrings. It seems that Konstanty was a bit of a menace and pestered his brother Aleksander, nearly three years his senior. When his aunt taunted him that he would be sent to Vienna to join Jan III, the little boy bravely recounted that the woman was speaking nonsense, but immediately asked Marie Casimire in confidence about his father’s return. At another occasion, he claimed he would go out to beat those Tatars and Turks. The son enthralled his father with his attitude: ‘That Murmur does not spare you caresses, my dear Lady, for that I am most grateful’, wrote Jan III, and in another letter, in mock jealousy, cautioned that she should not let the boy caress her too much.
Konstanty received education together with Aleksander. At one point, the youngest prince and Teresa Kunegunda asked for their French teacher to be changed; he was replaced by a Frenchman who also served as a secretary to Prince Jakub. The parents trusted the new preceptor to a fault and did not verify their children’s progress too inquisitively. As a result, Konstanty and Teresa Kunegunda did not learn to write in French. The letters the Princess wrote in French were most likely copied from samples prepared by the teacher. Konstanty and Teresa Kunegunda admitted to the deficiencies in their education only very late, in adulthood, when the inability to write in French prevented them from maintaining proper correspondence.
According to visitors at the Polish court, Konstanty was his father’s favourite and also highly resembled Jan III physically. However, surviving portraits show the Prince in French garb and huge wigs, and without the characteristic moustache, taking away the resemblance which may have been greater at an earlier age. Historical accounts describe the Prince as a man of wit, but tender and tactful toward other people—a person who, if not the most responsible, would be hard not to like, not encumbered by the pride and arrogance of his elder brothers. As an adult, the kind-hearted Prince became a much-liked uncle to his nieces, the daughters of Prince Jakub. He often mediated between them and their stern father. His own relationship with his eldest brother was always close and full of trust, perhaps because Konstanty treated Jakub with respect and deference while often requiring his aid and support.
At the turn of 1697 Konstanty and Aleksander travelled to Western Europe in what might be called a stag tour, planned and prepared years before, but—to the disappointment of the princes—delayed for various reasons (including financial) while Jan III was still alive. With her family locked in a tense and troublesome state of mobilisation for the electoral battle, Marie Casimire decided to allow the younger sons to leave behind the political scene, implying both to the voters and to Jakub (ever fearful of familial competition) that they would not take part in the election. The Princes intended to visit Teresa Kunegunda in Brussels, but her husband Maximilian Emanuel declined. Thus, they went to France and were admitted to the court of Louis XIV. There, they were to receive to Orders of the Holy Ghost, but, as sons of an electoral monarch, they could only expect a private ceremony, bereft of the proper splendour; this prompted them to reject the order. A fitting ceremony was only organised several years later in Rome, but, for obvious reasons, the Sun King would not attend. During the carnival of 1697, freed from parental supervision and surrounded by rather bad company, Konstanty and Aleksander plunged fully into youthful debauchery. News of their exploits in France forced their mother to demand their return.
Following the electoral failure, Konstanty became a frequent guest at his eldest brother’s home in Oława. He also spent a while in the Rus’ and, with his mother, hosted Augustus II at Wilanów. In 1698 he took part in the Pidhaitsi campaign, fulfilling his childhood dreams of fighting Turks and Tatars. At one point, the teenage Prince had publicly (though under the influence) declared his willingness to follow in his father’s footsteps. As relations between the Sobieskis and the court of the new King did not develop well, Konstanty and Aleksander soon joined their mother in Rome. According to their letters, they were terribly bored there and continuously plotted a return to Poland. Eventually, partly due to Marie Casimire’s petulance, they became the subject of a social scandal that saw them leave Italy. After that, they frequently appeared in the Commonwealth, primarily in family estates in the Rus’, as well as in Wrocław, a stop along the way to Oława, which they regularly (though briefly) visited. The Habsburgs observed these meetings at their brother’s residence with unease, making it clear that Oława must not become a new home for the entire Sobieski family. Soon, the situation of the princes changed radically: as Karl XII moved into Polish territory, dreams of regaining the crown sparked animated activity of the brothers, who hoped to win the throne for their family again. At the same time, though, they did not proceed with necessary caution.
In 1704 Konstanty and his eldest brother were arrested by a Saxon unit near Wrocław. The younger Prince was not the target of the assault, and was thus allowed to go free, but he declined the initial offer and continued to do so each time it was repeated. Exhibiting his loyalty for Jakub, he remained at his side until the end, in spite of numerous clashes that saw the brothers refrain from mutual communication on occasions. The prisoners were initially placed at Pleissenburg, and after Saxony entered the Great Northern War, they were moved to Königstein. Several servants were put at their disposal—a cook, a barber, a kammerjunker (valet), two manservants, and a confessor who said mass for them twice a day. These men joined the princes voluntarily from the court at Oława. The princes and their staff were partly sustained from funds dispatched by Marie Casimire and Aleksander. They were allowed to write to family members, but the letters were read by prison overseers and men of the Saxon court. They were also allowed to order articles befitting a narrow list of allowed amusements—mostly books and paintings, but also pieces of jewellery ordered by Konstanty. An extant description mentions a bracelet with the latter’s portrait, presumably intended as a gift. Captivity ravaged the health of the princes—both brothers suffered from scurvy, general weakness, and most likely rheumatism (since Jakub had to use a cane for walking), as well as emotional disturbance (probably depressive states). Their health would not have improved with frequent fasts they submitted to against their doctors’ warnings and even the advice of their confessor. Accounts paint Konstanty’s physical condition as slightly better than that of his brother, in spite of the atrocious circumstances of their captivity. To protest their imprisonment, but also to express their submission to the will of God, they grew beards and wore penitential garb.
Both before their arrest and after, Marie Casimire tried to ensure her youngest son’s future. Since Aleksander turned down the prospect of a career in the clergy, she thought it most suitable for Konstanty to either choose that path or marry well. However, the her son’s own matrimonial plans proved appalling to the Queen, particularly as his prospective spouses were of a sort most unsuitable for a Prince.
After leaving prison, Konstanty maintained close ties to Stanisław Leszczyński. He also returned to his pre-prison life of pleasure and leisure. After Aleksander’s death, Jakub and Konstanty shared their brother’s estate, with the youngest prince taking up the duty of care for Wilanów. Aleksander sought to extend and improve his father’s favourite residence, but frequent absences precluded him from assuming complete control over the property and allowed supervisors to abuse their power. The unused palace became more of a burden than an asset for Konstanty, as well—the Sobieskis were practically absent from Warsaw by 1704. Thus, in 1720 the Prince sold the property to Elżbieta Sieniawska née Lubomirska, with whom he had a brief affair. She was not the only woman to enjoy the affection of both younger princes.
In 1709 the youngest prince decided to take a step which shocked his family—without the consent of his mother or Jakub (as head of the family), he married Maria Józefa Wessel, a noblewoman of lesser stock, whose father had ties to the Sobieskis. The lady grew up at the Sobieski court in Oława, where she met the Prince. According to legend, the two youngsters fell in love and eloped from Silesia together, playing a trick on Jakub and Hedwig Elisabeth. Then, they met in Gdańsk and married in secret. Perhaps their union was born less from genuine feelings and more from the lady’s impressive dowry, as her money landed in the hands of the wasteful Prince. It is not entirely clear how long the marriage lasted: according to one account, they never moved in together, as Konstanty promptly abandoned his wife. A while later, he joined Stanisław Leszczyński in Silesia, and eventually moved to Rome. The Prince’s marriage was deemed unsuitable both due to his standing, and likely also because of the ties Sobieskis had with numerous royal courts in Europe, including the imperial court. Maria Casimire was appalled by her youngest son’s conduct, but opposed plans of nullifying the marriage in the belief that the it would only tarnish Sobieskis’ name even further. After awhile, though, required steps were taken. Maria Józefa received support from the court of Augustus II—who did not like the idea of Konstanty becoming a bachelor again and going off into another marriage—but also worked on her own to stifle the Sobieskis’ efforts. In time, many came to believe that Maria Józefa acted as a spy for the Polish court, even if the marriage had likely resulted both from genuine feelings of the two youngsters, and from Lady Wessel’s ambitions: by marrying Konstanty, she became a part of a well-connected family of a high social rank. The dowry that Prince Konstanty laid his hands on also played a part, becoming probably the most important reason why the dispute over the marriage lasted for so long.
Awaiting the sentence of the ecclesiastical court, the Prince did not resign from his customary enjoyments. He developed ties with Urszula Jordan, prompting Marie Casimire’s fears that after the eventual divorce from Maria Józefa, her son would go on to marry another lady of an equally low rank to that of Lady Wessel. The Prince’s private life attracted widespread interest and sparked many rumours in the Commonwealth, likely damaging his case at the ecclesiastical court. Konstanty’s marriage did not put an end to plans for his future union, this time forged with political goals in mind. Pyotr I intended to place a Sobieski on the Polish throne and, when Jakub rejected his offer, he turned to Konstanty, continually renewing the proposition in spite of the Prince’s deep reservations. His reluctance sparked the idea of having the youngest Prince marry the daughter of Elżbieta Sieniawska—Maria Zofia. The lady was very young, but possessed enormous wealth, and her mother, an influential woman, held great ambitions. Apparently, her own relationship with the princes did not play any role in the plot, perhaps because of the enticing prospect of having her own daughter crowned. Obviously, so long as the Prince’s previous marriage was not annulled, plans were all one could think of.
After 1715 Konstanty spent increasing amounts of time in the Silesia. When Jakub was forced out of Oława, he left his family in the care of his brother. At that time, Konstanty actively participated in the artistic life of the city—for example, he acted as protector to painters of Ruthenian origin who received education in Silesia and went on to work for the Prince. After Aleksander’s death, many of the musicians he employed in Rome moved to Silesia. Concerts and musical plays in Wrocław were organised primarily by Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz-Neuburg, who inspired the conversion of the local house of ballgames into an opera hall. An Italian troupe under Antonio Peruzzi, with Anna Maria Giusti (formerly a singer at the Sobieski court in Rome) as prima donna, was summoned in 1725. Konstanty became the singer’s patron, funding her arrival to Silesia; when he left, Giusti departed from Wrocław, as well.
Konstanty also funded votives for churches in Wrocław. He deposited the relics of the Holy Cross, previously owned by Jan III, at the chapel of the Holy Cross in the local cathedral. The temple also received four ivory statues by Gian Lorenzo Bernini, funded by Jakub. A painting of the Assumption of the Virgin, a gift from Clement XI to Aleksander Sobieski, hung in the cathedral, as well. Konstanty Sobieski lavishly endowed the Dominican monastery in Wrocław, which had also received the painting of Our Lady of Pidkamin (a copy of a painting found in Santa Maria Maggiore), which was crowned in 1724 at the behest of Maria Klementyna. The royal family actively pursued the beatification of Czesław Odrowąż, whose cult was admitted by the Pope in 1713. Prince Jakub was among the sponsors of a chapel devoted to Odrowąż in the church of Saint Wojciech.
In spite of the efforts of the Sobieskis—first Aleksander, then Maria Klementyna (Jakub’s daughter) and her husband James Stuart called the Old Pretender—to convince the Pope to annul Konstanty’s marriage, the case did not advance, even when the French rallied in support of the family. Apparently, the power brokers of the Seine thought that, with the marriage annulled, the newly freed Prince would marry the young Sieniawska. Since her mother had political ties to France, the marriage—and the prospect of placing a Sobieski on the Polish throne—seemed favourable for the French interests at the banks of the Vistula. Thus, special documents were prepared for purposes of the divorce proceedings, portraying Konstanty as a victim of an invalid and, supposedly, unconsummated marriage. The required witnesses were also identified, but in the event the annulment was not attainable, designs were made to marry Maria Zofia to the widowed Prince Jakub. However, he vehemently rejected the idea.
When Maria Klementyna, Prince Jakub’s youngest daughter, married James Stuart, her father faced a harsh punishment—he was expelled from Oława. Initially, the order included his wife and two elder daughters, but they were eventually allowed to stay in the city castle. The Emperor—the ruler of the country, but also a relative—assigned the Bishop of Wrocław, brother of Hedwig Elisabeth, as their protector, but Jakub wanted Konstanty to look after his deserted womenfolk. From that point on, the youngest prince commuted between the family’s properties in the Rus’, Wrocław, and Oława. He aided the absent brother by sending him funds and food, and even articles that Jakub then gave as votives to the monastery at Jasna Góra, which he visited regularly. Besides, he also tried to ensure the future of his nieces, who lived alone, still reeling from news of their sister’s marriage and its consequences, and additionally disheartened by a ban on all further talk of any marriage involving Jakub’s daughters. When Hedwig Elisabeth died and new suitors emerged for Maria Kazimiera and Maria Karolina, Jakub showed no interest at all in their fate. The nieces asked Konstanty’s help in convincing their father to allow them to marry. Jakub eventually heeded his brother’s advice and tasked him with conducting the necessary talks. Konstanty was meant to represent Maria Karolina’s French fiancé in a per procura wedding and take the bride to France, but illness precluded him from fulfilling those duties.
After many years, the question of the Prince’s marriage had also finally been resolved, with the court in Rome deeming the union valid. Konstanty and Maria Józefa moved in together in Wrocław, and then in Zhovkva. Accounts exist of the birth of a stillborn baby from the union, with the event described as deeply shocking the Prince. His wife exhibited great talent in managing the fatally mishandled assets of her spouse. At the time, Konstanty’s condition worsened continually, particularly due to his dietary habits. It is said that he consumed copious amounts of alcohol; to make matters worse, his doctors prescribed beer as a remedy for his symptoms, only compounding his illness.
In July 1726 Konstanty died, and Maria Józefa assumed the role of a grief-stricken widow, tearfully describing his final days. Some claimed that she delayed the burial only to delay her removal from Zhovkva, which she disputed with Prince Jakub. Ladies tied to the Sobieskis stated that they would not attend the ceremony if she was the organiser. The widow left Zhovkva only in 1729, having received the required financial assurances from her brother-in-law. The body of the youngest prince was laid at the collegiate church in Zhovkva, the resting place of his elder brother, as well. Thus, Jakub laid next to Konstanty, who, it seems, had always been his closest friend.
Translation: Antoni Górny
